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张纯如逝世十周年(一):南京大屠杀70年反思

—— 纪念我们的女儿张纯如
来源:贴心姐妹网    更新:2014-11-12 22:27:32   作者:张盈盈(张纯如的母亲)
张纯如逝世十周年(一):南京大屠杀70年反思——纪念我们的女儿张纯如

图/张纯如逝世十周年追思会主办机构    张纯如母亲在张纯如逝世十周年之日在女儿张纯如的墓前



图/张纯如逝世十周年追思会主办机构    张纯如的母亲张盈盈和父亲张绍进在张纯如逝世10周年追思会上


图/张纯如逝世十周年追思会主办机构    张纯如逝世十周年追思会




图/张纯如逝世十周年追思会    张纯如逝世十周年,人们到墓地纪念她

(编者按:今年11月9日是《南京大屠杀》作者张纯如去世十周年的日子,张纯如母亲张盈盈、父亲张绍进和100多人在旧金山参加了纪念张纯如的追思会。贴心姐妹网感谢张盈盈女士和我们的读者分享她纪念女儿的文章。)

我和我丈夫都是在日本侵占中国时候出生的。从1937到1945年,我们的父母忍受了八年的中日战争,亲历了一幕幕可怕的战争悲剧。在我们成长的过程中,这些故事传给我们,我们也把它们讲述给我们的孩子,包括我们的女儿张纯如。

我是1940年在重庆出生的,重庆是当时战时的首都,当时正是战争最残酷的时候。最艰难的一年是1937年:日本侵略者侵入首都南京,南京惨遭大屠杀,往后几年日本武力占领了中国其他几个大城市。中国政府撤退到重庆,重庆白天黑夜都遭到炸弹轰炸。当时母亲正在医院准备分娩,如果不是母亲幸运地躲过了投在医院的炸弹,也就不会有我了。

我的父母和姐姐在日本侵入南京沦陷的前一个月逃出来,父母逃亡了几千里路,经历了可怕的空袭,最终逃到重庆。他们永远不会忘记一路上亲历的种种可怕的场景,那些被日本炸弹破坏的惨状。那些震撼人心的大破坏和大毁灭,父母常常在饭桌上不断地告诉我们,因为那些已经嵌入了他们的脑海。

中日战争之后,中国又立刻陷入内战。为了躲避战争,我的父母带着五个孩子又逃亡了几千里。我们先到西南部的贵阳,那是我父亲的家乡,然后又去了广州,最后在1949年我们到了台湾定居。在我小学六年中,我上了八个不同的学校。我的父母和我丈夫的父母,他们这一辈人的生活,都被残酷的战争和留下的可怕记忆改变了。

作为这两次残酷战争和黑暗政治的见证人,我和我丈夫的父母都支持孩子学习科学作为今后的职业。我和丈夫在1962年双双幸运地获得了哈佛大学的奖学金,因此有机会来到美国继续深造。1967年,我们分别获得了哈佛授予的物理和生物化学的博士学位。

毕业后,我们来到新州在普林斯顿做博士后。我们的女儿张纯如在1968年出生了。接下来我们获得伊利诺大学教职工作,举家搬到伊利诺州的Urbana,在安宁的中西部小镇安居下来。在全家最亲密的晚餐交流时候,我们给孩子讲我们父母在战争中的经历和他们的历史故事。这些悲惨的故事影响着孩子们的心灵。纯如却是一个对此显出特别兴趣和好奇心的孩子。我们从来没想到这些饭桌上的的谈话资料会帮助她著成她的书《南京大屠杀--二战被遗忘的历史》。这本成为国际畅销书,并成为唤醒人们良知的书。

她在写此书期间,我们尽可能地从各方面给她提供资料,包括我们的父辈那一代在战争中经历的死亡和挣扎。这本书从构思到完成,所有研究,写作和修改都成为纯如每天的生活中心,也成为我们生活的一部分。

在写作期间,纯如废寝忘食地进行研究,经常和我们讨论历史证据和个人资料,这些资料给了我们更多的机会了解中国那段历史。尽管我们广泛听说了日本帝国军队在1937-1938年期间在中国和其它地区所犯下的暴行,但我们不知道许多细节。比如说,我们从没有听说过当时在南京有一个安全区(Safety Zone),这是当时在南京的几个西方人建立的,他们冒着危险和重重困难坚守在南京,在日本种族灭绝计划活动中建立了这个防区。在纯如进行研究之前,我们根本不知道这几个来自欧美的英雄和他们的事迹,他们冒着生命危险保护了几万名中国难民的生命,让这些难民逃离了死亡、强奸、折磨和摧残。

当纯如去耶鲁大学的神学院图书馆查询资料的时候,她惊奇地发现了很多大屠杀的手稿。那里有大量的书信、日记、报告和其它资料,是由美国的传道士、学者、记者和其他人在南京大屠杀时候记录下来的。但是,过了半个世纪,她竟找不到一本这方面的英文专著来记录这段惨绝人寰,灭绝人性的历史事件。有一天,纯如在读一个美国传教士及教育家写的日记的时候,实在无法克制自己,她哭了起来。这位传教士叫Minnie Vautrin,在伊利诺州的Secor出生,像纯如一样,他也是伊利诺大学毕业的。纯如告诉我们Minnie Vautrin当时就任在南京金陵女子大学代理校长,她的日记非常生动和惨痛地记录了她在南京期间亲眼目睹的中国人民被杀戮,妇女被强奸以及其它暴行。因为她令人敬仰的勇气,人文主义精神和坚韧,她从日本士兵的手中拯救了上千名中国妇女和儿童免遭强暴和虐杀,保护他们在安全区。但是,当她回到美国后,她自己却遭受身心憔悴和精神衰竭的折磨而自杀。

1995年夏,纯如到了南京,去采访了好几个南京大屠杀的幸存者和受害者,获得了第一手资料。这一手资料都一一证实了纯如在档案馆中所见到的日记、信札和报道的记载是正确无误的。

1996年,纯如找到John Rabe的外孙女,John Rabe是德国商人,是1937年南京安全区的负责人。John Rabe也是纳粹成员。纯如惊奇地发现John Rabe的外孙女拥有她祖父的一些日记、报道和原始资料。John Rabe的日记已经被翻译成英文、中文和其它一些国家的文字。日记记录了日本军国主义者在37-38年间在南京犯下的滔天罪行。世界上几乎所有的历史学家都承认这部日记的价值,并被视为第一部翔实记录南京大屠杀的最可信证据。

纯如在她的书中,从三个不同角度叙述了南京大屠杀的事实:日本军队在南京的暴行,中国受害者受到的戕害,欧美国家组织的安全区拯救上万中国人民的事迹。被保护的中国人都是手无寸铁的老百姓,包括妇女和儿童。《南京大屠杀》除了揭露了战争的暴行,还揭露了日本惊人的掩盖事实的行为。我们一直没有意识到,直到纯如的书写好,才知道日本利用美国和中国的沉默,试图掩盖整个屠杀的历史,欺骗大众的良知,剥夺受害者在历史上的正确地位。

主要使日本掩盖这一暴行的力量来自政治上的利己主义。二战刚结束,美国面临来自前苏联和中国的共产主义的威胁,所以重建战后的日本——从前的敌人,来抵抗日益增长的共产主义势力。共产革命后,中国大陆和台湾都想争取与日本贸易并得到国际上政治承认,双方政府都选择不强求日本索赔和承认罪行。结果导致近半个世纪世界忘记了南京大屠杀和日本的暴行。在日本,右翼极端保守分子力图漂白和否定这段历史。右翼分子有意混淆二战历史的重要性,修改教科书和控制媒体。极端爱国主义分子让参加过二战的士兵保持沉默,禁止他们对公众表示忏悔,右翼分子还对学者、记者和历史学家作出用言语侮辱甚至人身威胁。

日本政府的做法和战后德国的做法形成鲜明对比。德国赔偿了二战期间纳粹党建立的第三帝国犯下的罪行,包括屠杀犹太人等。德国不仅作出了上亿美元的赔偿费,并且通过立法撰写这段残害犹太人的历史,加入学校课本。德国政府和人民都承认纳粹的血腥行为和战争罪行,作出了真诚的道歉并赔偿战争受害者。

70年过去了,日本政府仍然没有做出真诚的官方道歉,也没有对受害者作出任何赔偿。70年了,南京的记忆仍然萦绕在中国和日本。 
最近一次日本对历史的否定激怒了中国和亚洲其他一些国家,被国际媒体所谴责。前日本首相小泉纯一郎无视来自中国和其他亚洲国家的呼吁,屡次参拜放置了14个甲级战犯的靖国神社。毫无疑问,参拜靖国神社伤害和侮辱了战争中的受害者,包括中国,韩国和其他国家。玷污了中日关系。

2005年,日本修改教科书掩盖二战在南京的历史事实,这一行为震怒了中国。同年,反对日本修改教科书呼声引发中国和其他国家组织的百万人签名行动,呼吁联合国禁止日本进入安全理事会席位。因此日本想成为联合国安全理事会员的梦想成空,此成为日本拒绝承认二战罪行的代价。纯如的书是让全世界了解这段历史,因而促进这个运动背后的力量。

2007年,新上任的日本首相安倍晋三几次提到战争中的性奴隶,美其名曰“慰安妇”,不是日本政府强迫征召。而二战诸多的史料和个人见证,来自韩国,中国和其它亚洲国家都直接证实安倍晋三的欺骗公众的言论。他的言论激怒了亚洲以及世界人民。许多观察家认为他的言论促进了美国国会121条通过。 (即要求日本承认并给被迫征召为性奴隶的妇女道歉并作出赔偿。)观察家认为121导致了安倍晋三最终政治生涯的终点。

南京大屠杀只是日本在中日战争中许多暴行中的一件,这场浩劫持续了14年,从1931年日本侵入到1945年战争结束。除了南京大屠杀,执行性奴隶制度,日本军队还应用生化武器屠杀了成千上万的中国人民。实际在战争中死亡的人数统计仍然在不断增加,我们可能永远不知道在这场人类浩劫中真正的死亡人数。这种种恐怖,野蛮的罪行不可能在中国以及亚洲国家的记忆中轻易抹杀。

在纯如的书中,她引用了George Santayana的话:“忘记过去的人注定要重蹈覆辙。”的确,如果日本民族不能承认过去,继续拒绝承认历史,将会影响日本在亚洲和世界国家中的信誉和地位。最终这种否认扭曲历史只会伤害日本人民。

大江健三郎是日本小说家,诺贝尔文学奖获得者,他说:“日本必须向侵略过的国家道歉并作出赔偿。这是最基本的条件。很多有良知的日本人会这样做。但是有些保守派和官僚及一些商业领导人却拒绝。”我真诚地希望日本沉默的大多数可以有勇气走出正确的一步。我也希望他们共同的良知可以唤醒日本政府领导人,使日本和亚洲其他国家可以达成一致的共识,这是唯一条在亚太地区通往正义和平的道路。

遗憾的是纯如已经不在了。我的丈夫和我决定把我们的有生之年投入到她未竟的事业中去。我们接过她手中正义的火炬,成立了张纯如纪念基金会,为了捍卫世界和平和人权。在2003年Robert Birnbaum 访问纯如时,她说:“对我而言写出具有全球意义的主题是重要的事情。其中最有意义的事之一就是主持正义的主题。每当我看到对人民不公正的事的时候我就感到很大搅扰和不平。”纯如热心地投入到全世界反对社会不公正和为人权而战的事业中。

为了纪念她,我们拟定了张纯如纪念基金会的宗旨,就是要教育公众认识到历史的重要性,唤起人们对黑暗悲惨历史的警醒,支持年轻一代在美国对二战的教育和研究。纯如相信只有通过历史真相才能巩固公正,捍卫人权不再重复历史的错误,为世界带来真正的和平。

失去如此一个美丽、聪明、有爱心的女儿,没有人能想象作为母亲的我的悲哀心情,每当想起纯如,悲痛就会吞噬我,但是我为她骄傲,为她一生为人类做出的贡献自豪。每当我想起她,她仍然是我们心爱的女儿。她努力工作把工作做好。她是活生生的,她很健谈。她不仅可以写,也可以滔滔不绝。她是一个让你不会感到枯燥的人。有些人说她很严肃,其实她是一个很快乐的人。她总抱着好奇心,她一直保持着天真单纯的心。纯如是复杂的,但也是简单的。1998年六月,在她的母校伊利诺州Urbana高中,她在接受了 Max Beberman 奖时对高中毕业生们说:“请相信一个人的力量。一个人在世界上可以做出让世界刮目的事情。一个人,实际上是一个主意,可以引发或结束一场战争,或改变整个世界的局势。一个发现可以治愈一种疾病或者一个新的科技可以造福或者灭绝人类。你们作为个人可以改变上百万人的生命。从大处着眼。不要禁锢你的视野也不要轻易放弃你的梦想。。。”

纯如是我的女儿,也是我的良师益友。她为正义和和平而战的使命现在也成为我的使命。

当我写这篇文章的时候,Maya Angelou的话一直在我脑海中闪现:“尽管痛苦的历史不可能改变,但如果我们用勇气面对,它将不再重演。”

(本文发表于哈佛大学亚太回顾杂志2008春季号。The article was published in Harvard Asia Pacific Review, Spring,2008, Vol. 9, No.2, p.75-78 and reprint with permission.)

中文翻译:枫雨

 
 
Reflections on the Nanking Massacre After 70 Years of Denial
In Memory of Our Daughter Iris Chang

By Ying-Ying Chang

My husband and I were born in China during the Japanese invasion and occupation.  Our parents endured those eight difficult years of the Sino-Japanese war from 1937 to 1945, experiencing the horror and tragic events of that war. Their stories were passed down to us as we were growing up, much as we would later pass our stories down to our children, including our daughter Iris Chang.  

I was born in 1940 in Chungking, the wartime capital of China, during the intense battles of the Sino-Japanese war. The hardest year for China was 1937: Nanking, China’s capital, fell to the invading Japanese army, and in subsequent years, Japanese forces occupied the major cities and many parts of China. The Chinese government retreated to Chungking, which was bombed day and night. In fact, I would not exist if my mother had not been fortunate enough to survive the bombs dropped on the hospital where she was waiting to give birth to me. 

Three years earlier, my parents and my older sister had barely escaped from Nanking one month before the fall of the city to the advancing Japanese troops. My parents traveled hundreds of miles after fleeing from Nanking, enduring the horrible Japanese air raids until they finally arrived in Chungking. They could never forget the gruesome scenes of human destruction by Japanese air bombardment. Those shocking and frightening stories of the carnage and devastation, which my parents told their children repeatedly at the dinner table, became deeply embedded in my memory. 

After the Sino-Japanese war, China was immediately plunged into civil war.  Again, my parents took five of their children as they traveled thousands of miles attempting to escape the war. First, they went to Guiyang, my father’s hometown in the southwestern region of China, and then to Guangzhou in the southeast.  Finally, we settled in Taiwan in 1949. I attended eight elementary schools during my six years of primary school education. The lives of my parents and my husband’s parents - their entire generation seemed to have been shaped by war and the terrible memories of war.

Witnessing the cruelty of those two wars and the dark side of politics, both my husband’s and my parents understandably encouraged all their children to study the sciences in making their career choices.  Fortunately, in 1962, my husband and I were awarded scholarships from Harvard University and had the opportunity to be educated in this country.  In 1967, we received our Ph.D.s in physics and biochemistry, respectively, from Harvard.
After graduation, we did our postdoctoral work at Princeton, New Jersey, where our daughter Iris Chang was born in 1968.  We subsequently moved to Urbana, Illinois to take faculty positions at the University of Illinois, settling down in that peaceful Midwestern town in the American heartland.  In our intimate dinner table conversations, we described to our children our parents’ war experiences and our family history.  Those stories of our families confronting the tragedies of war invariably influenced both of our children. Iris, however, was the one who showed intense curiosity about and interest in our family background and her roots.  We never anticipated then that those stories at the dinner table would be the impetus for her to write the book, The Rape of Nanking, the Forgotten Holocaust of World War II, which would become an international bestseller and a reawakening of conscience. While she was writing the book, we helped her in every possible way we could because the ”forgotten Holocaust in Asia” was, to our parents’ generation, a story of life and death and of the struggle of a country for survival. From the conception of the book to the time it was published, the research, writing and revising became the central issue of Iris’ life and of our own lives as well.

While writing her book, Iris often discussed with us the historical evidence and personal documents she discovered in her exhaustive research.  Those materials gave us a chance to learn more about that part of Chinese history. Although we had heard extensively about the atrocities that the Japanese Imperial Army had committed in Nanking in 1937-1938 and elsewhere in China during that period, we were unaware of some of the important and compelling details. For example, we had never heard of the Nanking Safety Zone, which was established in Nanking during the genocidal massacre by several Westerners who remained there in spite of the difficulties and dangers of life in a war zone.  Until Iris’ research, we had no idea of the heroic deeds of those brave Europeans and Americans who risked their own lives to protect thousands of Chinese refugees who were trying to escape the mass killings, the rape, torture and systematic brutality of the massacre.  

When Iris went to the Divinity School Library of Yale University to do research on the book, she was amazed to find a great number of primary sources on the massacre.  There were numerous letters, diaries, reports and other documents written by American missionaries, scholars, and others who were present in Nanking at the time the massacre was taking place.  Yet, for more than half a century, she could not find a single book in English that dealt specifically with that historical event: one of the most brutal and massive crimes against humanity of the twentieth century. One day, Iris was so moved that she broke down and cried after reading the diary of American missionary and educator Minnie Vautrin, who was born in Secor, Illinois, and who, like Iris, had graduated from the University of Illinois at Urbana.  Iris told us that the diary of Minnie Vautrin vividly and sadly recorded the rapes and the killings and the other acts of brutality she witnessed when she was the acting head of Ginling Women’s College in Nanking. Because of her admirable courage, humanity and tenacity, she saved thousands of Chinese women and children from rape and other crimes by Japanese soldiers in the Safety Zone.  However, after Minnie Vautrin returned to U. S. she took her own life out of physical exhaustion and mental suffering.

In the summer of 1995, Iris went to Nanking and interviewed several victims and survivors of the Nanking Massacre, getting first-hand accounts of their individual stories.  Many historical events of the massacre were recorded in the diaries, letters and reports Iris found in the archives, and the accuracy of those events was confirmed by the survivors’ statements.

In 1996, Iris was able to locate the granddaughter of John Rabe, a German businessman and the leader of the Safety Zone in Nanking in 1937. Rabe was also a member of the Nazi Party. Iris was astounded to discover that Rabe’s granddaughter possessed a diary and several documents and reports of her grandfather.  The diary of John Rabe, which has since been translated into English and Chinese and a number of other languages, contained records of the atrocities the Japanese Imperial Army committed during the fall of Nanking in 1937-1938.  Historians throughout the world have recognized the value of the diary, which was acclaimed as the first detailed account and the most credible personal testimony of the Nanking Massacre. 

In her book The Rape of Nanking, Iris told the story from three different perspectives: the Japanese soldiers who committed the crimes; the Chinese civilians who were victimized; and the Europeans and Americans who created a safety zone and saved thousands of Chinese, many of them non-combatants, including women and children.  But the book does more than just describe an orgy of violence; it reveals another shocking fact of the atrocities: the “cover-up.”  We did not realize it until Iris revealed in her book “how the Japanese, emboldened by the silence of Americans and Chinese, tried to erase the entire massacre from public consciousness, thereby depriving its victims of their proper place in history.”

The primary force that kept out of the public consciousness of the Rape of Nanking and other atrocities the Japanese committed in Asia is political expediency.  Right after World War II ended, the U. S., faced with the threat of Communism in the Soviet Union and China, rebuilt post-war Japan, the former enemy, to counteract the increasing power of the Soviet and Chinese Communists.  After the Communist revolution in China, both the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China in Taiwan competed for Japanese trade and political recognition.  Both governments chose not to press Japan to acknowledge its war crimes and to pay reparations to the victims; consequently, for over half a century the world forgot the Nanking Massacre and other Japanese atrocities committed during the war. In Japan, the ultra-conservative right wing groups tried to whitewash and deny the history of Japanese war crimes.  The rightists deliberately obstructed important historical information about World War II by censoring text books and controlling the media.  Those ultra-nationalist groups used intimidation to silence former soldiers from publicly confessing their crimes or expressing their remorse, and the rightists assaulted verbally—and sometimes physically—scholars, journalists and historians who wrote about Japan’s crimes against humanity.

This is in stark contrast to what post-war Germany has done to atone for the heinous crimes the Third Reich perpetrated during the World War II, including the Holocaust.  Germany not only paid billion dollars in compensation and reparations to the Holocaust victims, but also passed legislation mandating teaching the history of the Jewish Holocaust in the school system.  The German people and the German government acknowledged the Nazis’ genocidal acts and other war crimes, then made a sincere apology to the Holocaust victims and compensated them.

Seventy years have passed and the Japanese government still has neither made a sincere official apology, nor offered compensation to the victims of the Asian Holocaust.  For seven decades, the memories of Nanking have haunted Japan as well as China. The recent denials by the Japanese government of its wartime atrocities stirred up angry protests in China and other Asian countries and brought condemnation by the international media. Former Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi also ignored the repeated protests from China and various other Asian countries victimized by Japan and continued to visit Yasukuni Shrine, where 14 class A war criminals of World War II were enshrined. There is no doubt that the visits to the Shrine hurt and insulted the people of the victimized countries, particularly China and Korea, and that those visits also contributed to the strained relations between China and Japan the past several years.

In 2005, when the Japanese government certified a revisionist history textbook which sanitized Japan’s role in the Sino-Japanese war and the Rape of Nanking, the news sparked a series of riots across China.  That same year, the textbook controversy also helped to mobilize millions of people throughout China and other Asian countries to organize a signature campaign, urging the United Nations not to make Japan a member of the Security Council.  The resulting loss of a coveted seat on the U.N. Security Council is a significant part of the price Japan must pay for the stubborn denial of those crimes against humanity that Iris helped to bring back from obscurity.

In the spring of 2007, the newly elected Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo stated several times that the wartime sex slaves, euphemistically described as “comfort women,” were not forcibly recruited or coerced by the Japanese government. Overwhelming evidence from World War II archives and the individual testimonies of sex slave survivors from Korea, China and a number of victimized Asian countries directly contradict Abe’s self-serving public relations statement, which angered people in Asia and throughout the world and generated much criticism from the public media. Many observers also believe his statements facilitated the passage of House Resolution 121 in the U. S. Congress— a resolution which calls on Japan to apologize for forcing thousands of women into sexual servitude to the Japanese soldiers before and during World War II.  The passage of H. R.121 also contributed, many observers believe, to the political demise of Prime Minister Abe.

The Nanking Massacre is just one of many atrocities the Japanese military forces committed during the Sino-Japanese war, which lasted 14 years –from the invasion of Manchuria in 1931 to the end of the war in 1945.  In addition to the Rape of Nanking and the sexual enslavement of thousands of Asian women, the Japanese military used chemical and biological weapons that killed hundreds of thousands of Chinese people during the war.  The actual death count is still rising as more evidence is unearthed, and may never be known. The horror, brutality and magnitude of the war crimes by Japanese forces cannot be easily erased from the memories of the Chinese people and the other victims throughout Asia.

In Iris’s book, she quotes George Santayana’s warning: “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.”  Indeed, if Japan as a nation cannot come to terms with its past, the continuing denial will undermine Japan’s trust and credibility not only among Asian countries but also the entire world.  Ultimately, the ones that Japan’s denials and distortions of history will hurt the most are the Japanese people.  
Kenzaburo Oe, Japanese novelist and Nobel Prize Laureate in Literature said, “Japan must apologize for its aggression and offer compensation. This is the basic condition, and most Japanese with a good conscience have been for it. But a coalition of conservative parties, bureaucrats and business leaders opposes.”   I sincerely hope the silent majority of Japanese people will have the courage to come forward and do what they know is right.  I also hope their collective conscience will awaken the Japanese political leaders, so that Japan and the rest of Asia will embark on a path of true reconciliation, which is the only way that leads to a just and lasting peace in the Asian Pacific region.

It’s unfortunate that Iris is no longer with us today. My husband and I have decided to devote our remaining years to continuing the unfinished work she left behind.  We established the Iris Chang Memorial Fund to continue carrying the torch of her commitment to justice, peace and human rights.  In her interview with Robert Birnbaum in 2003, she said: “It is important for me to write about issues that have universal significance. One of them that has resonated with me all my life has been the theme of injustice.…for some reason, I seem to be bothered whenever I see acts of injustice and assaults on other people’s civil liberties.” Iris was passionately dedicated to struggling against social injustice and human rights violations all over the globe.

To pay tribute to her, we have made the mission of the Iris Chang Memorial Fund to educate the public about the importance of remembering history, to raise the awareness of the dark, painful history of World War II in Asia, and to support the education and research of the younger generations in the U. S. with regard to the history of war in Asia.  For Iris believed that only from truth in history can we secure justice, safeguard humanity from repeating mistakes of the past, and bringing about genuine reconciliation and lasting peace among all people. 

It’s hard to imagine anything sadder than a mother losing a gifted, beautiful and humane daughter. I can never think of Iris without a sadness that threatens to overwhelm me, but I take pride in her life and work.  Whenever I think of her, she is simply our beloved daughter.  She is hard working and gets things done.  She is vivid and talkative.  She not only can write but can speak eloquently.  She is a person you will never feel bored around.  To the contrary to some common notion that she was always serious, in reality, she was quite happy. She is always very curious and has a touch of innocence, a trait she never lost with the years.  In short, she was complex, yet a very simple person.  

In June 1998, in the acceptance speech she delivered on the occasion of receiving Max Beberman Award from her high school in Urbana, Illinois, she said to the high school graduates, “Please believe in THE POWER OF ONE. One person can make an enormous difference in the world. One person — actually, one idea— can start a war, or end one, or subvert an entire power structure. One discovery can cure a disease or spawn new technology to benefit or annihilate the human race. You as ONE individual can change millions of lives. Think big. Do not limit your vision and do not ever compromise your dreams or ideals….”

She was my daughter but also my friend and my mentor. Her struggle for justice and peace is now mine.

I wrote this article with Maya Angelou’s words in mind, “History, despite its wrenching pain, cannot be unlived, but if faced with courage, need not be lived again.” 

(article has been published in Harvard Asia Pacific Review, Spring 2008)


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